59 Human Rights Commission I do not know of any year the Māori people have approached with so much misgiving as this centennial year. What does the Māori see? Lands gone, the power of chiefs humbled in the dust, Māori culture scattered and broken (Tū Ake Exhibition, 2011). The government described Ngata as ‘ungrateful’ (Orange, 1987, pp. 235-238). Despite a pact between Wiremu Pōtiki Rātana and Labour, it took 13 years to consider Rātana’s 30,000 signature petition to recognise Te Tiriti o Waitangi, and 37 years to appoint a Māori Minister of Māori Affairs. The World War II ‘Price of Citizenship’ campaign, whereby Pākehā fought for their country and Māori fought to be accepted by their country, produced the Māori Women’s Welfare League, tribal trust boards and the Māori Council, none of which possessed real authority or autonomy. Trust boards required ministerial approval for spending over £100. The Minister of Māori Affairs had to approve the tribal stamp. By the 1980s, over 2,300 historical petitions to the government over land losses and related issues lay unaddressed (Kelsey, 1990, pp. 98-99). Māori Affairs Amendment Act (1967) Interestingly, the first activist action came from a decade of traditionally conservative Māori leadership by the Māori Women’s Welfare League and the Māori Council, who raised the awareness of Māori youth via their responses to the passing of the Māori Affairs Amendment Act (1967). Dubbed ‘the last land grab’ the Act required the compulsory sale of shares in Māori land worth less than £100 (Waitangi Tribunal, 1997, Vol. 1, p. 113). In 1968, a handful of Māori leaders boycotted Waitangi Day in protest at the land grab of the previous year. MP Whetū Tirikātene-Sullivan received a small protest delegation at Parliament. Te Hōkioi and MOOHR (Late 1960s, early 1970s) These multiple threads came together as a whāriki of dissent against injustice in two organisations formed after the 1967 Act. Te Hōkioi, named after the Waikato newspaper of King Tāwhiao, and the Māori Organisation on Human Rights (MOOHR), launched consciousness-raising newsletters highlighting the erosion of Māori rights by legislation and discrimination in housing, education, health, employment, sport and politics. Key issues were contextualised under the Treaty of Waitangi, the UDHR, the anti-apartheid struggle, Marxism, and liberal human rights philosophy (Walker, 1980c; Walker 1980e; Poata-Smith, 1996, pp. 97-116; Walker, 2004, pp. 209-210). Ngā Tamatoa (Waitangi 1971) The stage was set for a new wave of activism. While Te Hōkioi and MOOHR were ‘underground’ consciousness-raising mechanisms for a wider spectrum of Māori to engage in emancipatory practices, Ngā Tamatoa (Young Warriors), which formed in 1970, became the public face of action. In previous generations, chiefs, prophets, charismatic leaders, and educated Māori had developed determined strategies to challenge Pākehā. The Māori Council and the Māori Women’s Welfare League were their continuations. Freed from rural strictures, urban generations now had the freedom to choose the form and direction their actions would take. While the historical goals remained the same, they would challenge older leaders with new strategies (Walker, 1984, pp. 267-281). Members included Syd Jackson, Toro Waaka, Taitimu Maipi, John Ohia, Orewa Barrett-Ohia, Paul Kotara, Linda Mead (Tuhiwai Smith), Rawiri Paratene, Zac Wallace, Ripeka Evans, Tame Iti, Josie Keelan, Hilda Harawira, Tiata Witehira, Hone Harawira, Cora Davis, Donna Awatere, John Tahu and Larry Parr. Ngā Tamatoa mixed urbanised dissident university students and graduates, unionists, and other experienced political activists. They opened offices in Auckland and Wellington. Members provided Māori offenders with court support. The mainly non-fluent membership prioritised the revival of te reo Māori. A petition to parliament called for the inclusion of te reo in schools. Ngā Tamatoa established the first community Kura Reo taking urban youth to rural marae to learn te reo from elders. Their advocacy saw the first annual Māori Language Day (the precursor of Te Wiki o te Reo Māori) and secured a one-year teacher training course for native speakers. In an irony of history, non-speakers had led the first revitalisation of te reo (Walker, 1980d; Walker, 2004, pp. 210-211; Poata-Smith, 1996, p. 102).