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experiencing material hardship
and malnutrition was widespread
(Reid, J. et al, 2017: 33). Māori
succumbed to ongoing disease
while land court sittings became
conduits of disease due to the need
for iwi to relocate to townships and
stay, sometimes for months, and
mix with people carrying infectious
diseases (Taonui, 2012).
By 1860, the European population
equalled the Māori population.
By the end of the 19th century,
Human Rights Commission
the Māori population declined to
40,000 and the Pākehā population
was 15 times larger than Māori
(Lange 1999: 18).
Welfare
Old Age Pensions Act 1898.
This is a world first and seen as
the foundation of the Welfare
State in New Zealand. A small
means-tested pension is available
to elderly people with few
assets who were ‘of good moral
character’. Māori landowners
were disqualified automatically.
The Act was later amended to
make applications more testing.
Proof of age (65) was required,
which disadvantaged most Māori
because their births had not been
registered. If Māori were eligible
for the pension, they received less
than Pākehā. Chinese, Indian,
Syrian, Singhalese and Lebanese
were specifically excluded (Ministry
for Culture and Heritage, 2020).
1900-1930: Public Works legislation to take Māori land continues; rates on Māori land; Māori MPs attempt
to stop land taking; police assault on Maungapōhatu; the Ngata-Stout Commission; the Sim Commission,
World War I.
Land
By the early 20th century about 2
million hectares of land remained
in Māori ownership. Māori leaders
repeatedly petitioned Parliament
to take action to protect Māori
from landlessness, and to make
better use of Māori land regarded
as unoccupied and unproductive.
(Waitangi Tribunal 2010, Whaanga,
Mere. 2012)
Māori resistance
within Kāwanatanga
Māori Land Administration Act
1900 (aka the Taihoa Policy) James
Carroll, Native Minister from 1899,
tried to slow the rate of Māori
land loss. He established a Māori
Land Administration Department
and several Māori Land Councils
empowered to recognise
specific areas of Māori land as
papakāinga blocks, which could
never be sold. The aim was to
ensure Māori communities retain
sufficient land, it promoted leasing
rather than sales of Māori land
(Waitangi Tribunal, 2010). Councils
were partly elected which meant
it was possible for Māori majority
on the Councils. The new policy
successfully reduced the flow of
Māori land available for sale but
because of its success, the councils
were abolished in 1905. (Waitangi
Tribunal 2010 Wai 863).
1907: The Ngata-Stout Commission
- provided a report on the state
of Māori landholdings across
the country. The Commission
recommends that Crown
purchasing of Māori land
should stop, alienation by direct
negotiation between owners
and private individuals be
prohibited, further alienation of
Māori land should be controlled
by land boards (with preference
for leasing), and that Māori be
trained and assisted to develop
their own agricultural enterprise
(Waitangi Tribunal, 2010). The
Crown’s response was the Native
Lands Act 1909 and its amendment
of 1913 which incorporated
precisely none of the Commission’s
recommendations. (Waitangi
Tribunal, 2010).
Pākehā Legislation
Public Works Act 1903 expands the
definition of ‘public works to include
road frontages, forest plantations,
and recreation grounds (Waitangi
Tribunal, 2010).
Māori Land Settlement Act 1905
replaced Māori Land Councils with
seven Māori Land Boards (there
were no iwi representatives on the
boards). If owners were in arrears
with their rates, … the Crown could
compulsorily vest their lands in
the land boards. Land that was
considered ‘surplus’ (not required
or suitable for occupation by its
owners) could also be compulsorily
vested. Land boards administered
the lands on behalf of the owners
and could lease out blocks for
up to 50 years (Whaanga, M.
2012). This was the precursor of