230 Chasing the Wind: Assessing Philippine Democracy, Second Edition Using SWS national survey data, with adolescents (in 1996) and with adults (in 2000 and 2002), Guerrero and Abueva (2003) point out three noteworthy response categories. A quarter of the adult sample and a third of the youth sample expressed ignorance about democracy and could not provide answers. The authors noted this as a potentially problematic situation in a supposed democracy. Indeed, if the premise of a democracy is engaged citizen participation, there is no place for ignorance as this would be antithetical to productive engagement. The rest of the respondents provided answers that indicated either a positive or negative assessment of democracy. As could be expected, adults gave a broader range of meanings for democracy compared to the younger cohort. The most endorsed idea in both samples had to do with the positive assessment of democracy as being about political freedom and civil liberties. Other positive meanings were mentioned by very small segments of the sample, including broad, abstract ideas about democracy, its link to populist views, good governance, the egalitarian economic and social system, and individual citizenship behaviors. The negative meanings were mainly criticisms about observed undesirable conditions under our so-called democracy (e.g., crime, increasing public debt, red tape, disorderliness of the bureaucracy, social inequity, the poor getting poorer, etc.) but these were mentioned by less than 5 percent of the respondents. Implicit in the denition of democracy is the participation of people in the selection of their leaders and representatives via free elections. Data from the Philippine Statistics Authority (PSA) as well as the Sweden-based International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (International IDEA) which has been collecting voter turnout rates in countries around the world since 1945 have shown fairly high voter turnouts for the Philippine. PSA data indicate that voter turnout for national and local elections since 1995 has never gone below 70 percent (and has even gone as high as 86.4 percent for the 1998 elections). If voting in elections is an indicator of democracy at work, then the Philippines would be classied democratic. The operative term is "free" elections, however. Given the dirtiness of the process (i.e., the prevalence of the proverbial "guns and gold") and the dismal outcomes of Philippine elections (i.e., corrupt, unt ofcials and the continued support for dynasties), the validity of free elections is put into question. Violence and vote buying are prevalent during the campaign period and elections are marred by all manner of cheating, making protests by losing candidates fairly common. And considering the logistical demands on someone aiming for a leadership position, is it any wonder that only a select few have the resources to run for public ofce? Furthermore, is it any wonder that winning candidates try to recoup some of their investment when they nally sit in ofce? In the end, the public suffers for its bad choices. On a more optimistic note, a survey of the voting preferences of 373 Metro Manila students prior to the 1992 elections showed an overwhelming interest in participating in the elections "in order to exercise their voting rights and be