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Chasing the Wind: Assessing Philippine Democracy, Second Edition
Local governments' capacity to produce plans vary, reecting their
ability to link these various plans and make it a useful bases for
prioritizing programs to achieve local government goals. Local
governments with full staff complements can readily comply with the
required planning mandates while others, especially those with
planning staff of 3-4 people are hard put to do the plans updates without
outside assistance. In addition, the multiple plans required from local
governments affect the timely completion of these plans, compromise
the quality, accuracy, reliability, and timeliness of the data used, with
mechanisms for monitoring results against targets not always apparent
as part of the planning process. Many of the local governments are still in
the process of harmonizing all their other plans into the three main plans
(CDP, LDIP and AIP) in compliance with the Joint Memorandum
Circular No. 1 Series of 2007.
More important than the stafng pattern of LGUs, development planning at
the local government level has not generated the involvement of private sector
and civil society groups as mandated by the LGC. As TAF's RFA states:
The expectation that the Local Development Council would serve as
avenues for citizen participation has largely been unmet with the
Council barely meeting the required number of sessions provided in the
Code, although other specialized bodies like Local School Boards and
Local Health Boards have continued to be more functional.
Earlier assessments of the participation of CSOs in local governments point
to a common denominator that restricts such participation—the disposition of
local ofcials (Panadero 2006) (Capuno 2005). Aside from not being too
receptive to the participation of CSOs in development planning, in particular,
and to development planning itself, in general, we go back to examine how
local chief executives have also contributed to the ypaper effect. As the BLGF
(2008) study noted:
Expenditure growth is greatly inuenced by the behavior of local
bureaucrats. In the case of the Philippines, this can be intensied with the
power of local chief executives in the budgeting process. Account
manipulations can be a common activity to accommodate the
preferences of local chief executives. In this light, the bureaucratic model
of the ypaper effect is applicable in understanding the unexplained
growth of provincial spending. Although provinces may lack nancial
resources based on a revenue and expenditure mismatch, local ofcials
could still inuence the priority programs and projects signicantly
using the modest available resources.24
Systemic constraints
As a political economic reading of the backdrop to decentralization, the
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