172
Chasing the Wind: Assessing Philippine Democracy
The assessment highlights several symptoms of the chief systemic
constraint. The first is the subjugation by powerful political elites of the system
of public administration at both the national and local level.25 The second is the
reciprocal and privately beneficial link between these elites and other more
dominant forces beyond the state, specifically those with business interests. The
third is the impact of these dominant political and economic elites on
intergovernmental relations, characterizing these relations as highly politicized
specifically in providing rewards and allocations. And finally, though the
document portrays the connections in a positive manner, the anti-democratic
orientations of “strong” and “resourceful” national executive, legislative, and
local political players. In sum, this enumeration of symptoms points to the chief
constraint to any substantive progress of decentralization—the prevalence of a
patrimonial oligarchic state.26
A NOTE ON MOVING FORWARD
Despite their inadequacies, civil society and decentralization remain
fertile and inter-linked grounds for democratization. Under a decentralized
system, civil society groups are provided opportunities to intervene in more
manageable spaces and could even use the scaffolding, despite its limitations,
provided by the Local Government Code. It also does not take a national CSO to
bring forth much more profound collaboration between civil society and
political leaders at the local level, as shown by the case of Naga City.27 This will
expand the horizontal base of CSOs from where they can subsequently scale up
for much more potent national level action. Diamond has already referred to
this phenomenon where national level NGOs (or broadly CSOs) “organize life
parochially (Tusalem 2007).”
This is not to dispel the importance of national level action, specifically as
political opportunities open up for a sizeable fraction of civil society to either
impel the state or intervening political society elements to act favorably on
larger issues of political reform. In the prevailing atmosphere of renewed hope
that a new political leadership offers, however, one civil society leader offers a
reflection:
Except for spontaneous outbursts of energy such as the two EDSAs, civil
society does not have the capacity to shape political events. One reason is that it
is imprisoned in First World discourse. It has achieved rare success only when
28
it, unconsciously, latches on to a winning faction of the elite.
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