The Never Ending Democratization of the Philippines
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This is a crucial reform that had been undertaken. But this is just the core of
what is now referred to as the security sector reform for countries that are
transitioning to democracy or is in the process of peace-building. In her paper
on security sector reform/security sector governance in the Philippines,
Carolina Hernandez describes the country's security sector as being composed
of 1) the core security forces (AFP and PNP, intelligence services and CAFGUs),
2) the security management and oversight bodies (the President as
commander-in-chief, the national security council, national intelligence and
coordination agency, congressional committees, executive departments (DND,
DILG and office of the Presidential adviser on the peace process), justice and
law enforcement bodies, and societal institutions (Hernandez 2009).
Her study examined five dimensions as part of the Security Sector Reform
Index, namely: 1) principles of democratic governance; 2) extent of knowledge
and awareness, and capacity of oversight institutions; 3) performance record of
the security sector; 4) SSR programs and initiatives; and 5) contribution to
conflict prevention and peace building (Ibid). Her study shows that the core
and oversight bodies of the security sector are vested with powers and duties.
Their lack of material and competent manpower, however, hamper these
bodies in the performance of their duties. The work of the legislative, executive,
and judicial oversight bodies are below standard. “There are far too many
instances of abuse, misuse, and lack of observance of applicable law, rules and
regulations in the exercise of these powers” (Ibid.)
B. Weak Horizontal Accountability and Employment of Delegative
Authority
It has been observed that the restoration of democratic institutions in our
country's “redemocratization” has been superficial (Rebullida in Morada and
Encarnacion Tadem 2006: 208). Indeed, contrary to the belief that the
presidential government organizes three co-equal and coordinate branches of
government, the President is actually dominant vis-a-vis the Congress and the
Supreme Court and other state bodies. O'Donnell describes the features of
delegative democracy to include the direct election of the president by the
people, giving him or her mandate to rule as he or she sees fit.
Given this mandate, the president is supposed to rise above partisan
politics and unite the fractious groups that divide the country under his or her
popular movement. In this context, the president is the epitome of the entire
country who should be given free rein in formulating and implementing his or
her program of government. The other branches of government like the
legislature and the judiciary are mere obstacles to his mandate. O'Donnell
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