102 Maranga Mai! Further, the exercise of power must be on Māori terms, outside of the strictures of colonial institutions. As such, this “won’t be done through prisons or state welfare homes, because in the end, you only address those things by addressing the power that sustains them” (Jackson, 2021a). At its essence, this is an articulation of selfdetermination that must be championed, and accompanied by histories as told from Māori perspectives: We have our self-determination from our tīpuna as seen in spaces such as Kura Kaupapa and Kōhanga Reo. We need to exercise that selfdetermination, to speak our truth. You need truth forums! And if the coloniser isn’t going to provide it, then we must create our own truth forums. We can create them at our kura, on our marae, and we have our own radio and media. Using what we have and what our tīpuna have fought for, we must use it to maintain our truth forums in our history, while we work towards full selfdetermination in that space (Ngata, 2021). Speaking truth to power in this manner, however, does not invalidate the right of Pākehā to be and exist in Aotearoa. The vision encapsulated by Te Tiriti involves Pākehā by its very nature. Yet Pākehā anxiety around talk of constitutional transformation is inevitable, because of the existential implications this entails. There is also a “very palpable fear” from Māori that conversations around this “might provoke a Pākehā backlash” (Independent Working Group on Constitutional Transformation, 2018, p. 28): To reclaim power for Māori does not mean dising Pākehā as Pākehā. I think one of the unspoken fears of a lot of Pākehā, is that we will do to them what they have done to us. But the Treaty does not allow us to do that. For me, the Māori way of constitutional order is based on whakapapa. And so, it does not expect or demand the mistreatment of others, because others have whakapapa as well. Part of the change is for Pākehā to learn to accept that. The possibility that there can be a Treaty-based society in which the Crown can exercise authority in its sphere of influence, [and] that we can exercise authority in ours, but acknowledge there are relational spheres where we have to come together to make a decision, is what I think the Treaty envisioned (Jackson, 2021a). The tricameral model espoused in Matike Mai Aotearoa and adopted by He Puapua is grounded upon this. Further, while Pākehā are not tangata whenua nor indigenous to Aotearoa, their whakapapa, within the context of Te Tiriti, “does give a special meaning to being tangata tiriti and therefore belonging to this land” (Independent Working Group on Constitutional Transformation, 2018, p. 83). Indeed: Te Tiriti never intended us to be ‘one people’ as Governor Hobson proclaimed in 1840 but it did envisage a constitutional relationship where everyone could have a place in this land (Independent Working Group on Constitutional Transformation, 2018, p. 112). Obstacles to constitutional transformation Several barriers stand in the way of fully realising constitutional transformation. The first of these is the inevitable safeguarding of the settler-colonial status quo and the economic privilege that has flowed from that for generations at the expense of Māori. The economic implications of constitutional transformation and addressing racism are significant, because “Many Pākehā won’t oppose racism if it means giving land back and supporting constitutional reform” (Ngata, 2021). Related to this is our collective inability in Aotearoa to talk openly, frankly and critically about the role of colonisation, race and racism, white supremacy, and white privilege in society today. There is a general lack of acceptance “that race exists”. Nevertheless, to progress as a country “we need to name it and stop excusing it” (Smith, 2021; Snelgar, 2021). This has flow-on effects for what is taught at schools in Aotearoa, and what narratives and ‘taken-forgranted’ assumptions are socialised therein. In a similar vein, the state’s promotion of the ‘performative’ and ‘decorative’ aspects of Māori culture (Husband, 2020), for example, using Māori greetings and adopting Māori names for organisations, is itself an obstacle to constitutional transformation. This is not to discount the positive