127 was encouraged by officials during the war as a temporary fix to labour shortages). Urbanisation killed many thriving kāinga as well as stretched or disintegrated cultural and social ties. Everything that strengthened and nurtured Māori identity was also being left behind. Within 25 years of WWII ending, 68% of Māori lived in urban areas. As a consequence, Māori and Pākehā were interacting on a more regular basis and “with these came an upsurge of ethnocentric incidents and racist attitudes towards Māori”. (Hill, 2009). Until the late 1940s Māori were excluded from State Housing. Increasing Māori migration to cities after World War II eventually convinced the government to admit Māori into State Housing in 1948, through a State Advances and Department of Māori Affairs scheme. They were pepper potted into Pākehā neighbourhoods to promote their assimilation. Human Rights Commission In 1949, the racial backlash against the growing and visible Māori presence in urban spaces continued. Racist incidents were on the rise as some urban Pākehā resisted mingling with newlyarrived Māori (Hill, 2009). Late 1950s: government focussed on controlling and appropriating Māori energies to marginalise Māori as political players. (Hill, R. 2009). Summer of 1958: race issues were to come to public prominence through New Zealand’s rugby connections with South Africa. The All-Black team announced to tour the apartheid country excluded Māori. Prime Minister Nash refused to intervene or to put pressure on the rugby authorities. (Hill, R, S.,2009: chap 1) Association. The Māori women’s welfare league stated that “our battle is a domestic one against an act of racial discrimination committed by a New Zealand sports organisation”. (Hill, 2009). Education 1945 School Certificate level Māori language offered in some schools but only as a ‘foreign’ language option (ACORD, 1986). By 1950, the rate of Māori schoolchildren able to speak Te Reo Māori had plummeted to 55%. (Waitangi Tribunal, 1986). Mid-1959: Māori took a prominent role in the mass protest campaign against the All-Black Tour 1931-1959: Cont; further land taking; Māori Wardens and manaakitanga; appropriation of Māori innovation; Takaparawhā | Bastion Point; the Māori Trustee Land - Pākehā Policy and Legislation Mid 1930s: an official view begins to crystallise that it is ‘impossible’ to notify or negotiate with Māori owners, and compulsory purchase is therefore ‘easier’. This led to the idea that it is more convenient to take Māori than general land (Waitangi Tribunal, 2010). The Native Purposes Act 1943 makes it easier to offer back to Māori owners of compulsorily acquired land but only if not needed ‘for any other public purpose’, and its offer back is ‘expedient’ Rangatiratanga and Manaakitanga 1949: Māori Wardens and iwi committees: By now it was becoming clear that Māori work outside of the perceived official roles to address a myriad of issues for their communities. Rather than acting like police, Māori wardens practice manaakitanga. Māori Wardens were authorised to enforce ‘order and regularity’ within the official committee system. They were described as policemen without the powers of policemen. Though they worked on behalf of the State, they were not remunerated. Wardens often assumed the status of community social workers (Hill, 2009). Iwi committees often focussed on doing things which were state responsibilities, but which the state had not officially prioritised: eg, installing running water for houses in the papakāinga or securing better sanitation. (Hill, 2009).