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Lei Chen.
Photographer: Pan Hsiao-hsia
Control Yuan member Sung Ying, who campaigned for her husband
Lei Chen, reading relevant documents at the Control Yuan.
Photographer: Huang Yen-wen
On September 1, Lei Chen issued an emergency
announcement saying that he would “file a complaint
for the interference those forming the party faced in
recent days”, and resolutely stated that “the movement to form a new party has already become the
unanimous wish of those in the movement for democracy and against communism both at home and
abroad, as well as domestic grassroots trend.”
Three days later, however, the Taiwan Garrison
Command arrested Lei Chen on “suspicion of sedition” and sent him to be tried in a military court. Also
arrested were editor-in-chief Fu Cheng, manager Ma
Chih-hsiao, and former accountant Liu Tzu-ying. This
arrest shocked society. People of all sectors, regardless of mainlander-islander status, pleaded Lei Chen’s
case.
Lei Chen’s wife Sung Ying was a member of the
Control Yuan. She quickly applied to the court to
bring Lei Chen to trial per Article 8 of the Constitution (regarding “legal due process” on personal freedom) and relevant provisions of the Habeas Corpus
Act, but all her appeals were rejected.
Yunlin County councilor Su Tong-chi made a
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proposal in the Council calling on Chiang Kai-shek
to release Lei Chen, calling him a patriotic intellectual. The proposal passed unanimously. Out of the 45
councilors at the time, 39 were in the KMT (a majority of which were Taiwanese), clearly showing how
well-loved Lei Chen was by the public.
But these efforts only made Chiang Kai-shek angry and wary. He personally presided over several
meetings at the Office of the President to discuss Lei
Chen’s sentence. In the end, he personally signed an
official document on October 8 decreeing that “Lei
(Chen)’s sentence shall be no fewer than 10 years”.
That afternoon, the military court sentenced Lei Chen
to 10 years under the charges of “harboring communists” and “spreading communist propaganda”.
“Harboring communists” and “spreading communist propaganda” were common charges during the
White Terror. These charges violated Article 11 of the
Constitution of the Republic of China as well as Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights,
both of which protect freedom of expression and the
right of “non-expression”, or the right to remain silent.
Chapter 1
After Lei Chen was sentenced to 10 years, Tao Peichuan and four other members of the Control Yuan
formed the “Lei Chen Case Investigation Taskforce”,
pointing out how the case was mishandled in their
investigation report and passing a corrective case, but
none of these efforts managed to change Chiang Kaishek’s decree.
The China Democratic Party had been on the cusp
of establishment. After the Lei Chen incident, Lee
Wan-chu and other leaders of the Tangwai movement
firstly held an assembly to elect a convener. They announced the founding of the China Democratic Party
Preparatory Committee and issued a declaration of
dissent with regard to the Lei Chen case, stating that
they would not give up on the efforts for forming a
political party.
On September 25 of the same year, more than a
dozen of individuals, including Lee Wan-chu, Kao
Yu-shu, Hsia Tao-sheng, Wang Ti, Kuo Yu-hsin, Yeh
Ping-huang, Su Tung-chi, and Huang Yu-chiao, held
the first meeting of the Preparatory Committee and
passed two proposals: First, they jointly elected a
spokesperson and sent a letter to the Taiwan Garrison
Command requesting the return of all documents
and information regarding the foundation of the new
party. Second, they announced that the litigation costs
incurred due to the indictment of “one of the party’s
spokespersons, Lei Chen” would be jointly borne by
the Preparatory Committee of the party.
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Martial Law: Derailing From International Human Rights Trends
Nonetheless, afterwards, each and every one of
them were subject to crippling intimidation and suppression. Many were accused with speech crimes and
brought into submission through an unbearable load
of lawsuits. Foundation of the party was finally strangled and the movement eventually lost momentum.
The Three Champions of Democracy
Under Martial Law!
Lei Chen, Fu Cheng, and Yin Hai-kuang
Lei Chen’s Tangwai supporters discussed the case
in their areas and lamented about his sentence. In addition to the reputation of Free China in Taiwan, the
fact that Lei Chen studied constitutional law in Japan
in his youth—allowing him to overcome the language
barrier in Taiwan—and his close interactions with
Tangwai elites are some of the biggest reasons why
he was so well-respected by grassroots Taiwanese
even though he was a mainlander from China.
Particularly, Lei Chen’s belief in freedom, democracy, and equality won the hearts of the Taiwanese
people. An editorial in the July 1958 issue of Free
China reads, “There is not a single Taiwanese local in any agency of the central government. Will
this convince the Taiwanese people that we have
restored their place as masters of their own country?”
Su Tong-chi (1923-1992)
While serving as Yunlin County councilor, he made
a proposal calling for President Chiang Kai-shek
to release the patriotic intellectual Lei Chen, which
passed unanimously.
Source: Yunlin National Cultural Memory Bank; this
photo is from:(CC BY-SA 3.0 TW)
http://data.yunlin-memory.cool/taxonomy/term/639
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