In Search of Credible Elections and Parties: The Philippine Paradox 77 However, there is a counter-argument in support of term limits for the presidency. First, the incumbent normally cannot use the powers of office to commit fraud on his behalf (although it can be done to favor his party). Second, with reelection not an option, the incumbent's fear of being prosecuted for illegal activities once out of office may keep the executive more honest (Fearon 1999:62). It appears that the Philippine experience does not strongly support these arguments. The present study has shown that political families have easily bypassed the term limits imposed on incumbents by relying on family members to continue contesting elections. The separate election of the president and the vice-president, instead of being chosen as a team representing the same party, also weakens the process of party building. Moreover, the present system of electing senators as individuals rather than as a team representing political parties with coherent policies and programs encourages intra-party competition among the party members particularly for the hotly contested tail-end positions. Do synchronized elections, as mandated by R.A. 7166 and implemented since 1992, lead to more efficient governments and stable parties? There are at least two contrasting views on this matter. One view argues that such elections “weaken party links between national and local candidates” as each set of leaders focus on fighting their own electoral battles at the expense of greater party unity and coherence (Velasco 2006: 100). A related view also agrees that synchronized elections are detrimental to party formation since “it puts a lot of premium on name recognition and recall rather than issue positions” (Manacsa and Tan 2005: 757). Sartori explains that synchronized and staggered elections have their own strength and weakness. He points out that staggered elections “keep the polity in tune with shifts in popular opinion and enhance the responsiveness of politicians” but it also makes the construction of legislative majorities more difficult to satisfy (1997: 178-9). He adds that synchronized or simultaneous elections allow for the easier construction of majority blocs and concludes that if the priority is for “performing and responsible governments”, then synchronized elections should be favored (1997: 179). However, in the Philippine context with its weak legislature vis-à-vis the presidency and weak party system, the construction of “legislative majorities” is derived not so much from elections but from the post-electoral realignments that normally follow the election of a new president. Such presidential-driven party realignments dictated by legislators' desire to have easy access to the enormous resources and perks of the presidency naturally further weaken the party system. Another major electoral institutional innovation of the 1987 constitution concerns the Party List (PL) system. This paper will concern itself with major