Rethinking Democratization in the Philippines 199 Shugart, Matthew Soberg and John M. Carey. 1992. Presidents and Assemblies: Constitutional Design and Electoral Dynamics. Cambridge University Press. Stepan, Alfred, Juan J. Linz and Yogendra Yadav. 2011. Crafting State-Nations: India and other Multinational Democracies. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press. Notes 1 As argued by Stepan, Linz, and Yadav (2011), even within the process of nation and state building, one can have conflicting logics and priorities as shown by those who pursue traditional nation-building models from those who try to craft “statenations” in societies with a shared political community but with deep cultural diversities. 2 For an expanded conceptualization of procedural democracy and its use in classifying political regimes in Latin America, see Mainwaring, Brinks, and PerezLiñan (2007:123-160). 3 The first gubernatorial contests after the end of authoritarian rule in the country took place in 1988. 4 In his reconceptualization of democracy in this book, Miranda considers O'Donnell's concept of “delegative democracy” as a case of “conceptual stretching” and therefore not properly a subtype of democracy. Following Diamond (2009), he argues that a better classificatory label for “delegative democracies” would be that of a “hybrid” regime or, considering that most instances of the latter are seriously democracy-challenged polities, a “pseudodemocracy”. 5 Rosenblum and Post (2002) use the term “overlapping consensus” to refer to principled reasons for cooperation between civil society and government but it can also be used to identify points of consensus among various civil society groups. 6 As Schmitter stresses, his co-authored works with O'Donnell focus on “transitions away from authoritarianism rather than to democracy”. . . and that both authors “refuse to presume a telos that would lead to such a felicitous result. . .” (2010: 18). 7 Thus, in one of the many tragic ironies of Philippine political history, the key beneficiaries of authoritarian rule—the Marcos-Romualdez political families – have remained unpunished and regained full political power at both national and local levels. 8 This “monitoring of power” by civil society groups in the Philippine context cannot be equated with the notion of “monitory democracy” espoused by John Keane (2009) where “power-monitoring and power-controlling devices” are exercised in a fully functional democracy, in fact in what he calls a “post-Westminster” form of democracy. In an undemocratic order such as the Philippines, one has to be prepared to risk life and limb to engage in the “monitoring of power”.