In Search of Credible Elections and Parties: The Philippine Paradox 87 12 The decision to concede defeat made by former Senate President Manuel B. Villar, Jr., a day after the automated counting showed him losing to Senator Benigno Simeon “Noynoy”C. Aquino III also helped defuse the electoral tension and firmed up the acceptability of the results. 13 There were many electoral protests mounted by losing candidates especially at the House of Representatives and local government level. The most notable election protest was filed by losing vice-presidential candidate, senator Manuel Roxas II against winning candidate, Makati city mayor, Jejomar Binay. 14 For a discussion of the dynamics of state and family relations, see Alfred W. McCoy, ed., An Anarchy of Families: State and Family in the Philippines. University of Wisconsin, Center for Southeast Asian Studies, 1993. 15 A classic discussion of this problem in the political science literature is by Samuel P. Huntington. Political Order in Changing Societies. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1968. 16 The “state in society” approach as exemplified in the book edited by Migdal, Kohli and Shue (1994), as well as earlier “state-society” approaches run the risk of neglecting international forces and actors that heavily impinge on the process. As conceded by co-authors Kohli and Shue themselves, the role of international factors need to be integrated in the analysis to provide a comprehensive understanding of the process. Like many developing states, the Philippine experience has been necessarily shaped to a significant extent by international factors whether in its colonial or post-colonial manifestations. Whether international forces have strengthened or weakened state-building and democratization processes need to be better understood in specific historical contexts. For a systematic use of the “state in society” framework that also incorporates global forces for understanding Philippine history, see Patricio N. Abinales and Donna J. Amoroso, State and Society in the Philippines. Pasig City: Anvil Publishing, Inc., 2005. 17 See Huntington (1968). 18 However, political families elected in key city centers all over the country such as those of Manila, Makati, Quezon City, Cebu, and Davao, that may even be more powerful and influential than some governors and representatives are also not included in the current study. 19 The 13 landlocked provinces include Benguet, Abra, Apayao, Ifugao, Kalinga, Mt. Province (all in the Cordillera Administrative Region), Nueva Vizcaya, Quirino, Nueva Ecija, Tarlac, Bukidnon, North Cotabato, and Agusan del Sur. 20 The “island provinces” include: Batanes, Oriental and Occidental Mindoro, Marinduque, Romblon, Palawan, Catanduanes, Masbate, Guimaras, Cebu, Bohol, Siquijor, Biliran, and Camiguin, Basilan, Sulu, and Tawi-Tawi.