minimal investments in the ship’s amenities: the bathroom facilities were basic, water was scarce, and the crew could not bathe daily. Muhamad noted that the fishers frequently had to relieve themselves over the deck because only a single toilet was available. When questioned about the dangers of this situation, he stated, “You’ve got no choice if someone is using the only toilet.” Much like Reyne, Muhamad has served on vessels of different nationalities. He began his career as a distant water fisher in Donggang, Pingtung, in 2008, and in 2014, he transitioned to domestic employment in Nanfang’ao, Yilan. From 2017 to 2020, he then worked on coastal fishing vessels in South Korea. In total, Muhamad has spent 12 years making a living at sea. Muhamad already had previous experience working as a fisher before arriving in Taiwan; a stark contrast to many foreign fishers who often lack experience, “Taiwanese captains assume we’re trained and skilled at everything.” Muhamad indicated that when Indonesian agencies recruit fishers, they only ask basic questions, such as whether the applicants can use fishing nets or tie knots. Despite the Indonesian government requiring predeparture training, enforcement is lax, and agencies frequently send untrained recruits abroad. Migrant fishers in Taiwan encounter significant communication barriers with local brokers. For example, when Muhamad sustained an injury in Yilan, his broker initially suggested that he return to Indonesia instead of providing medical assistance. Muhamad later discovered that he was not enrolled in labor insurance; only after he brought this matter to his employer’s attention did the broker take any action. He perceives that brokers tend to prioritize the interests of employers over those of the workers. Only through engagement with local NGOs did Muhamad begin to understand his rights as a migrant laborer. Muhamad voices his dissatisfaction while reflecting on his experiences in Taiwan: “Our broker says we can’t be late to work—not even ten 3