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Chasing the Wind: Assessing Philippine Democracy
A "culture of impunity" is widely acknowledged to overwhelm the
country with some regularity (Freedom World 2010). This negative perception
is inferable from the perennially poor performance of the Philippines in
comparative corruption measures used by the Transparency International
(Transparency International 2010), the dubious distinction of being among the
world's leading violators of human rights specifically in the case of terminal
violence victimizing conscientious journalists, activist community organizers
and, in November 2009, even ordinary voters out to register candidates
opposing a Maguindanao dynastic politician and his family (Amnesty
International 2011; [US]State Department 2010; Freedom World 2010; [UN]
Human Rights Council 2008; McIndoe 2009), the persistent inability to rise from
Freedom World's ranks of the world's "partially free" nations to those of the
"free" (Freedom World 2010) and the grim prospect of becoming a failed state as
the country merits a warning from the Fund for Peace's 2011 Failed State Index
(Fund for Peace 2011). All of these glaring national deficiencies, sustained over
a relatively long period of time, militate against a reasonable description of the
Philippines as a democratic polity, or a non-democratic but nevertheless
seriously democratizing country.
Beyond the weak, even fragile governance institutions and political
processes that democracies require in order to operate, the persisting armed
challenges to the constitutional order, the relatively poor economic
performance and historically problematic inequities, the long demonstrated
inability at effecting the delivery of basic services in transport, public safety,
health, nutrition and education—indeed a long list suggesting subpar
performance in modern governance—another blatant indicator of governance
failure in the Philippines cannot be missed: the great number of Filipinos daily
leaving their country and trying to find gainful employment abroad.
Roughly one out of ten Filipinos now regularly vote with their feet in
seeking a livelihood that their system of governance has failed to provide for at
least the past three decades. Scattered in all parts of the world, overseas
Filipino workers (OFWs) have been the single most effective buffer keeping the
economy of their country afloat. Contributing as much as 10% of the Philippine
GNP, they are decisively critical in enabling the nation's real estate and the
much bigger final consumer market to survive, most particularly in these times
of global economic and financial crises. Not only do OFWs bring in much
needed revenue, they also ease the unemployment pressure that increasingly
stresses the economy much. The education market too, particularly at the
tertiary level, probably is as much indebted for its survival to OFW remittances
as the real estate market. Neither would do well without millions of Filipinos
leaving their country, finding jobs abroad, sending home a big portion of their
foreign earnings and investing much in housing and education.