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Chasing the Wind: Assessing Philippine Democracy
Another lingering outcome of both the dictatorship and the transition
process has been a politicized military. For obvious reasons, no process of
democratization can proceed if the military continues to defy legitimate civilian
authority. But its politicization as an institution does not take place
independently of its relations with civilian authorities. In short, military (and
police) tendencies towards politicization are usually driven by perceptions
about the illegitimacy and continuing incompetence of civilian leaders.
Moreover, civilian machinations for the pursuit of power and wealth also enlist
military allies, further politicizing the institution. Not surprisingly, the most
dangerous displays of military rebelliousness during the transition process also
took place during the administration of civilian leaders seen as illegitimate and
corrupt. Thus, the long term response to the dangers of a politicized military lies
not so much in reforms within the institution, although these are important, as
in reforms in the civilian institutions that direct and legitimize the military's
activities.
A major failing of the transition process has been its inability to improve
the process of electoral governance in the country. Both procedural and
substantive approaches to democracy agree that credible electoral exercises are
necessary conditions for the initiation and maintenance of democratic regimes.
But as discussed above, elections continue to suffer from endemic violence and
fraudulent manipulations. Moreover, free and fair elections cannot be assured
as long as many areas of the country remain as arenas of armed conflict and
significant numbers of voters are in effect disenfranchised by their poverty and
vulnerability to elite manipulation and coercion. One clear focus of reforms in
electoral governance must be the Comelec, the constitutional body that enforces
and oversees all laws and policies related to the conduct of elections. For much
of its disreputable history, no less than Comelec heads and commissioners have
been directly implicated in the rigging of elections. To address this problem, a
systematic campaign to strengthen both the organizational competence and
institutional autonomy of the Comelec is required. Needless to say, the culture
of impunity in this institution as in many other government agencies must also
come to an end.
As a whole, we believe we have conducted a rigorous critique of the key
concept and practice of democracy and offered an alternative
reconceptualization that is analytically sharper and more politically relevant
for our community. For a number of reasons, we stress that we have not had any
successful transition to a democratic regime or that we are now living in a
democracy. We have failed to meet even the minimum conditions of a
procedural democracy: free and fair elections. We have failed to show any
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