88 Maranga Mai! The ‘Urewera Four,’ Tāme Iti, Te Rangikaiwhiria Kemara, Urs Signer and Emily Bailey, were convicted on firearms charges in 2012. Iti and Kemara were sentenced to two and a half years jail and Signer and Bailey home detention. None of the four was convicted of terrorism (Sunday Star Times, 21 October 2007; Keenan, 2008, pp. 17-34, pp. 129-138; Stuff News 14 October 2017). Hundreds of New Zealanders protested in support of those arrested and affected by the Police raids. Other protests were organised against the Terrorism Suppression Act and Terrorism Suppression Amendment Bill which some saw as an attack on the human rights of New Zealand citizens. The NZ Council of Trade Unions called for the Act’s repeal stating it “could be used to suppress political expression”.xiii The paramilitary police response was unfortunately repeated in 2012 and 2014. In 2012, the Police deployed the Armed Offenders Squad into Uta, a small village in the valley, to apprehend a single individual. Tear gas was fired into the house, windows were smashed, and bullets fired into cupboards and walls (Te Kaokao a Takapau, 2012, p. 2). Tamariki waiting for a school bus witnessed the AOS surround the area “in their trucks, their guns, their gear” (Aikman, 2019, p. 269). Similarly, in 2014, the AOS raided a whānau homestead suspected of harbouring a suspect involved in a weapon theft. A helicopter, numerous vehicles, and dozens of AOS officers were used in the raid, terrifying the whānau inside (Aikman, 2019, p. 271). In both incidents, the police raided incorrect addresses, their information being based on incorrect or incomplete intelligence (Aikman, 2019, pp. 1–2, 270). That they proceeded to raid individual homes with such levels of violence is alarming, and emphasises the “sledgehammer and walnut tactics” that have long characterised police violence towards Tūhoe and Māori (Aikman, 2020). Together, the raids in 2007, 2012, and 2014 represent examples of a colonial response that assumes Māori are dangerous and threatening, regardless of age. In each instance, the police declined options for mediation that would have de-escalated each situation before they began (Aikman, 2019). In 2014, the Police Commissioner Mike Bush formally apologised to the Ruatoki community and Ngāi Tūhoe for police actions during the raids. He acknowledged that the mana of the Tūhoe people had been damaged. In 2012, the government passed the Search and Surveillance Act, which controls how police and some other government agencies search people or property or use surveillance devices for the purpose of investigating crime, and the Video Camera Surveillance Temporary Measures Act 2011 which allows for legalised covert video surveillance by the State. Ruatoki reminded Tūhoe of the power of white Crown supremacy and Māori suppression. As Prime Minister Joseph Ward firmly told Rua in 1908, “There can be no other Government or king, there can’t be two suns shining in the sky at one time” (Binney et al, 1996, p. 38). Ihumātao (2019) Other justice-based land issues have also seen overpolicing responses. The land at Ihumātao in South Auckland was confiscated under the Land Settlement Act (1863), under the pretence that the Māori inhabitants were in rebellion (Waitangi Tribunal, 1985, pp. 17–18) and their land was sold to settler farmers: Applying a scorched earth policy, gunboats, soldiers, and settlers destroyed canoes across the Manukau, looted possessions, raided food stores, burnt houses, and stole and sold Māori livestock. Māori sought shelter from the mayhem where they could or hid in the bush. Tony Simpson wrote that many of the infirm and very young died of exposure and starvation. On the Great South Road, some soldiers allowed Māori columns ‘safe passage’, others plundered their possessions and livestock. Many Māori were ‘captured’ and imprisoned without a warrant or charge. More died. Waiohua leader, Ihaka Takanini and 21 others were imprisoned in Ōtāhuhu. There, Ihaka’s father and two of his children died. The survivors were transported to Rākino Island where Ihaka would also die. Only his wife, Riria, and one son, Te Wirihana, and four others returned to Pūkaki – Ihumātao. An 1864 report to Parliament found the