024 Chapter 2 Background Most studies that examined ageism among workers in aged care focus on residents in long-term care facilities. This focus is likely because these settings tend to have the highest proportion of the vulnerable ‘oldest-old’ people requiring high-level, ongoing care, characteristics which potentially increase the possibilities for ageism.52 Moreover, the focus in these facilities on older adults’ impaired capabilities may lead to workers incorrectly assuming all residents are frail and dependent, and defining individuals primarily by their care needs.53 Ageism in long-term residential care settings includes residents – particularly those who are immobile or have cognitive impairment – being forgotten, avoided, spoken to using ageist language, cared for with substandard materials, and treated in an automated and undignified manner (eg, inappropriate uses of mixed or communal spaces).54 Ageism in these settings does not just affect the older adults themselves, but can also have adverse outcomes for the workers. Among those who work with older adults, negative attitudes about ageing have been shown to adversely affect job satisfaction and commitment to work,55 and contribute to burnout.56 When it comes to ageism in the community, existing studies tend to focus on everyday ageism or internalised ageism,57 rather than specific aspects of community life. Studies of ageism among community workers are particularly scarce. Studies of everyday ageism by definition include everyday citizens and so extend to community workers. However, the frequency of contact these workers have with older adults may moderate or amplify their age-based beliefs and assumptions, as with other workers who have frequent contact with older adults, such as aged care and healthcare workers.58 Studies examining ageism in community programs have typically focused on recreational groups and discovered unintentional and typically well-meaning confinement of older adults to certain types of activities. For example, a Canadian study found that while older adults did not believe their age alone restricted their ability to participate in physical exercise, they felt constrained by others’ ageist attitudes and a lack of programs for active older adults.59 Participants reported that when they did take part in exercise classes, they felt they attracted attention and were treated differently – even revered as exceptional for what they were doing – because of their age, as though they did not belong or should not be present. Research has also found internalisation of these ageist views by older individuals, who held stereotypical views of community groups for older people as being ‘bingo, light entertainment, and chatting’.60 Furthermore, stereotypes of ageing and older age held by older adults appear to influence how they choose to spend their free time. Research has found that among older adults, low levels of satisfaction with ageing and knowledge about it were associated with more time spent in passive, spectator activities, such as watching TV, napping or resting.61 2.5 Interventions to reduce ageism against older adults Even small shifts in how we think, feel and act towards age and ageing will reap benefits for individuals and societies.62 When the Commission in its 2021 research asked adults in Australia how they thought ageism could be addressed, the most common response was for ageing to be seen as a positive experience.63 It is possible to shift negative attitudes and perceptions even in a society such as ours, where ageing is typically viewed in a negative light. However, because ageism tends to be subtle and exist under the radar, we must first become aware of the negative messaging around ageing within ourselves and the environment.