｜ never faced re-election. The formation of the ThreeOne Club opened a window for the KMT’s mainstream faction to communicate directly with the DPP. At this point, however, they could have never imagined that in just two years, the Wild Lily student movement would spark a Judicial Yuan Interpretation spelling an end for the Ten Thousand Year Congress and leading to a series of constitutional reforms like a complete National Assembly re-election and direct presidential election. The other faction of KMT supplementary legislators included Jaw Shaw-kong and Lee Sheng-feng. They collaborated with conservative forces like Lee Huan and Liang Su-yung and formed the New Kuomintang Alliance in August 1989 in response to supplementary legislative elections, a clear opposing force against the Brainstorming Breakfast Assembly. With Lee’s Term as Acting President Ending, the “February Political Struggles” Broke Out in the KMT Chiang Chin-kuo’s term as president expired on May 20, 1990. In February of that year, the KMT nominated Lee Teng-hui and Lee Yuan-tsu to run as candidates for becoming the ROC’s 8th President and Vice President. The nomination was challenged by the non-mainstream faction of the KMT. The nonmainstream faction tried to nominate Lin Yang-kang and Chiang Wei-kuo instead. The power struggle between the factions became public and was known as the “February Political Struggles”. The February Political Struggles ended with Lee Teng-hui getting influential members of the KMT to convince Lin Yang-kang to drop out. However, soon after, some supplementary legislators leveraged their power intended to elect the President to extend their terms to 9 years, sparking the Wild Lily student movement led by NTU students on March 16. Lee Teng-hui closely followed the Wild Lily student movement. After successfully being elected President 132 in the March 21 National Assembly elections, he met with leaders of the student movement right away, promising constitutional reforms. As a result, the Wild Lily student movement ended on the 22nd. At the time, Lee Teng-hui had yet to stabilize the foundation of his power, so he nominated former Chief of the General Staff and Minister of Defense Hau Po-tsun as Premier to weaken his military power. Hau Po-tsun was known as a “military strongman” because of his tough stance, strong tactics, and fierce actions. He had substantial influence in the military and the intelligence systems. After becoming the Premier, Hau Po-tsun became the de-facto leader of the non-mainstream faction. Lee and Hau’s difference in ideologies and approaches as well as conflicts of power led to arguments and fights between the Office of the President and the Executive Yuan. The May 1991 Taiwan Independence Association incident was especially seen as an instance of Hau Po-tsun testing Lee Teng-hui. Lee Teng-hui set the timetable for reforms after the 8th presidential election, analyzed Huang Chuwen. Lee Teng-hui was well versed in the Japanese Bushido spirit of perseverance, holding back when his power was still unstable and gathering strength while waiting for the perfect opportunity to strike. His was also good at leveraging outside forces and letting momentum do the work when the time was right. Lee and Hau Government — From Cooperation to Infighting Therefore, the mainstream and non-mainstream factions each had different political calculations regarding the 100 Action Alliance’s movement opposing the military parade and Article 100 of the Criminal Code. Lee Teng-hui wanted the military parade to go well to establish his role as the commander-inchief of the armed forces. He also wanted to leverage the goodwill of the people to promote reforms, which is why he sent people to negotiate with the alliance Chapter 4 ｜ Law Amendments: No More Political Prisoners Government and opposition negotiations regarding Article 100 of the Criminal Code. From the left are Lee Chen-yuan, criminal law scholar Tsai Tun-ming, Wang Chou-ming, Lin Tung, Hung Yu-chin and Lin Shan-tien Photographer: Huang Yen-wen multiple times, hoping to achieve a win-win situation. However, Hau Po-tsun refused to make any concessions, clearly hoping the negotiations would break down and exacerbate the anti-military parade demonstrations. This would not only undermine Lee Tenghui’s authority but also lend legitimacy to the suppression of pro-independence forces. With time running out, Lee Teng-hui asked Huang Chu-wen to contact the 100 Action Alliance directly, which led to the crucial Gloria Hotel meeting on October 7. Huang Chu-wen recalled that the alliance insisted that Article 100 of the Criminal Code must be abolished instead of amended. The Brainstorming Breakfast Assembly believed that it should be amended but not abolished. The two sides seemed to have opposing stances, but they actually had a lot of common goals. Both sides agreed that non-violent actions taken to implement peaceful political objectives should not constitute “Offenses Against the Internal Security” under the Criminal Code. They also agreed that the criteria constituting the use of force or riots to incite civil unrest should be clearly defined. Huang Chu-wen believed that, to resolve the above issues, it was only necessary to add the words “by violence or threats” to Paragraph 1 and delete the word “conspiring” in Paragraph 2 of Article 100 of the Criminal Code. For example, Huang Chu-wen said, if a military strongman were to launch an armed coup after Article 100 of the Criminal Code was repealed, the consequences would be immeasurable. Huang Chu-wen also promised that after senior legislators left their positions at the end of 1991 per the Judicial Yuan interpretation, the new Legislative Yuan session in 1992 would definitely complete the amendment of Article 100 of the Criminal Code, thereby achieving absolute freedom of speech in Taiwan. Words like “thought criminals”, “political prisoners”, and “blacklist” would become history. Huang Chu-wen’s suggestions to amend the law allowed the KMT to save face while giving pro-democracy activists what they wanted. Lee Chen-yuan, Lin Shantien, and Chen Shih-meng, who represented the alliance, all said at the time that they could accept these terms. 133