55 ‘heroes’ who dramatically rose from the social substratum as people having been symbolically chosen to instigate loyalty, the privileged class which possesses political capital refers to people who are in a position to acquire such esteem in a mundane way, even without a sensational ‘hero’-scheme. The hereditary appropriation of privileges via political capital constitutes a way to accumulate, expand, and reproduce other forms of capital by using the familial political capital as a ‘seed’ to acquire, on the basis of birth origin, the chance of receiving special educational benefits, to access channels through which upward mobility within the bureaucracy can be achieved more easily, and to gain status and authority through one’s connections and background.23 Although North Korean society is a society established through a discourse of the ‘revolutionary class’, paradoxically, the historical reality shows that it has been maintained through an extremely irrational ‘transmission’ of hereditary classes. Ultimately, the unequal reproduction of classes in North Korean society is accomplished through ownership and inheritance of different levels of access to state power, namely of political capital. From this perspective, it can be asserted that North Korean society has been constructed as a two-class structure comprising the privileged class possessing and inheriting political capital on the one hand and the common people on the other; at the same time, women – who are in fact further discriminated against compared to the ordinary ‘citizen’ as they are represented by men as the ‘heads of the household’ – have continuously been allocated to a status of ‘second class people’. As much as the history of a revolutionary tradition has been monopolized by men, a society constructed on such moral foundations can easily be based on an androcentric hierarchical structure; such a society attains a fundamental structure in which political capital is inherited through androcentric lineages. 23 In North Korea, officials and leaders marry their children only to children of other leaders and executives. Marriages across classes rarely occur. Within the ruling class people are mutually connected and supportive of each other, thus establishing a closed structure. Therefore, North Koreans share a commonsensical belief that all leaders come from a leading family. The latter’s living standards and thought patterns also diverge greatly from those of other North Korean residents.